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Jimmy Hoffa's name appears in FBI file on Chicago mob boss Frank 'The Breeze' Calabrese

Hoffa's name in FBI file on Chicago mobster


The I-Team has an exclusive report on the FBI file on Chicago mob boss Frank "The Breeze" Calabrese.
    
Thursday, May 22, 2014

Postcard from USA: Gangsters paradise

The Green Mill Cocktail Lounge.
               
Prohibition glory: The Green Mill Cocktail Lounge. Photo: Getty Images
 
Jo Stewart hits the bar at a genuine 1920s Chicago speakeasy. 
 
As the stomping ground of mob boss Al Capone and the site of the St Valentine's Day massacre, the world of organised crime is ingrained in Chicago's identity. While most of the places once frequented by mobsters belonging to Al Capone's "Chicago Outfit" have now gone, the Green Mill Cocktail Lounge stands as a direct link to the heady days of the Prohibition.
Located in Chicago's Uptown area, next to a no-frills pizza joint, the Green Mill's glorious, emerald and gold neon sign blinks with art deco brilliance. While a new crop of derivative bar and speakeasies has opened up in the wake of HBO's Boardwalk Empire series, the Green Mill is the real deal, not a hip homage.
Once part-owned by notorious mobster "Machine Gun" Jack McGurn, the Green Mill isn't some club trying to look like it's from the 1920s - it's actually from the '20s. As one of Chicago's oldest clubs, it has operated since 1907 and hosted many jazz greats including Billie Holiday. The subject of much folklore, including the brutal throat-slashing of entertainer Joe E. Lewis (who was attacked for choosing not to perform at the Green Mill) stepping inside is like walking onto the set of The Untouchables. Featuring period-era interiors, it's a dark, musty and utterly evocative bar made even more atmospheric when sitting in Capone's favourite booth, which has a clear view of both the front and back doors in case he had to leave in a hurry. There are other remnants of the Prohibition era here, with the secret tunnels Capone and his gang used still existing underneath the bar. For a traveller new to Chicago, stumbling upon the Green Mill is like hitting historic pay dirt.
These days, the bar still operates as a live music venue hosting performances that Capone would have been down with (jazz bands) and some he may not have embraced (poetry slam nights). Dropping in for an afternoon tipple, a few people are propped up at the bar playing cards including a cheeky old-timer who could be from the Prohibition era himself. The black-vested, wise-cracking barman isn't playing dress ups, but he has a certain pre-war flair about him. He gives the patrons a bit of shtick as he mixes drinks and wipes the bar down with an old rag. When someone makes the cardinal error of ordering a cosmopolitan, he wastes no time in asking them if they would like to order a real drink. There are no cosmopolitans, crantinis or elaborate cocktails around here because the Green Mill doesn't make them. You can order a beer or a stiff drink such as a neat whisky. The locals aren't too bad at giving some shtick themselves, with one annoyed punter jumping the bar to answer the incessantly ringing phone that had been left unattended while the barman disappeared down a trapdoor to retrieve more alcohol. Answering the antique phone with an over-the-top, comical flourish, the customer gives the caller directions to the bar, and opening and closing times with such precision, the caller would have no idea he doesn't work at the Green Mill. When the barman returns to a chorus of muffled laughter he hounds us to tell him what we did to his bar while he was gone.
Although the world has moved on and bootlegging has been committed to history, the Green Mill's decor, vibe and commitment to not serving crantinis ensures it remains true to its gangster origins


The real Tony Montana talks about Old Las Vegas


April 22, 2014 3:00 AM by Mark Mayer

The Real Tony Montana written by Nathan Nelson and Tony Montana. There will always be a romanticism in Las Vegas for the mob whether it’s the downtown museum and nearby bar or characters like Tony Montana.
“If you were a teenager living back in 1930s Chicago, either you became a priest or one of ‘them,’” said Montana, who had recently operated LaScala Restaurant (off Joe E. Brown and E. Desert Inn) until a flood six months ago shut it down permanently. “At 14, I was not ready to become a priest.”
Montana prides himself on being “the original Tony Montana” and not the Al Pacino character in “Scarface.”
“Tony Montana is not a taken name,” he said. “No ties to Pacino or the original ‘Scarface’ movie made in the 1920s starring Paul Muni and George Raft. But it is a good marketing name.”
So Montana rode the notoriety and just finished co-writing a book with Nathan Nelson about his life in the Chicago outfit called “The Real Tony Montana” ($17.95 on Amazon). He’s lived in Las Vegas since early 1970’s during that glorious era where the mob ran this town and the Rat Pack was in its heyday.
“I thought Vegas was paradise then,” Montana said. “There were only 180,000 people. Now you have that many on I-15 at any given time.”
The Montana story really begins as that 14-year-old living in the Italian section of Chicago during the Depression when the choices were limited during the days of Al Capone.
“Organized crime was all over that area,” Montana said. “Everybody was doing moonshining for Capone and all. Eventually I had to get out of Chicago. It was just too cold. I wanted warmer weather.”
Enter Vegas, the desert mecca for those who were mob-connected to live and flourish.
“The 70s was the greatest decade,” he said. “When I walked into a grocery store there were 10 people. I knew six of them. That was Vegas. The town was run real tight but there was a lot of money being made and you got free comps.”
Montana stresses he was not a mob hit man, but acknowledges his ties to organized crime had the law monitoring him.
“They put a tracer on the bottom of my car and followed me around,” he said. “The law was all over the place. But I wanted to be legitimate in making money. That’s the reason for the book, to show that the mob wasn’t all about pulling out baseball bats and killing people.”
Many in the Vegas mob were driving around in Mercedes and living in multi-million dollar homes. It’s a lifestyle few people wouldn’t want.
“I ran clubs here like Tiffany’s at the Jockey Club and Villa d’Este, which is now Piero’s,” Montana said. “I liked the restaurant business. If you gave people plugs, they respected you.”
Montana took two years to write the book, opting to wait until everyone he knew was dead and buried. Even Jimmy Hoffa.
“I was really under the radar,” he said. “I was making a good living. If I needed a favor, I could get it anytime I wanted. I still enjoy Vegas, it’s a great town.”
With LaScala now history, Montana is focusing on promoting his book around the country and working on a film script to his story.
“I’m 81 and active,” he said. “I do book signings, I talk at UNLV before Rhodes scholars. They always ask me how many bodies are buried in the desert or what happened to Hoffa? I tell them it could have been the last hot dog he ate.”
Montana is sad about what he sees as Vegas having lost a lot of its old style charm that came from gaming and the mob. The town is now corporate, and entertainment, not casinos, is the top draw.
“Out of 100 people who come here, 70 go to the nightclubs,” he said. “Gaming is failing. They are going to parties. I’m not an economist, but they shouldn’t have built some of these buildings. It was a mistake.”
When asked to describe his book, Montana’s response does have a ring of Pacino.
“It’s not ‘War and Peace,’” he said. “But, it’s a nice read and leaves a lot for people to understand.”

Mark Mayer has over 35 years covering sports events and is the sports editor at GT. Reach him at MarkMayer@GamingToday.com.http://ahistoryofviolenceinchicago.blogspot.com/

Obama Targets Russian Mob Boss



The U.S. government has publicly added 12 Russian officials to a list of human right violators but he head of the Russian Investigative Committee may be on a still secret part of that list.
The State and Treasury Departments Tuesday sanctioned a dozen Russian officials under the Magnitsky Act, adding them to a public list of human rights violators subject to asset freezes and visa bans in the United States. But Alexander Bastrykin, the powerful head of Russia’s Investigative Committee, was not on the list, at least the version released to the public.
The twelve names publicly announced for sanctions Tuesday include Dmitry Klyuev, the alleged kingpin of a Russian organized crime group. 10 of the 12 Russians on the list were associated with the death of Sergei Magnitsky, the Russian anti-corruption lawyer who died in prison after being severely tortured. Magnitsky was then posthumously convicted for tax fraud. The judge who convicted Magnitsky after he died, Igor Alisov, was also sanctioned Tuesday.
Bastrykin’s name was conspicuously not on the public list, but administration sources said one name was added to the classified version of the Magnitsky list. Administration officials declined to comment on whether or not that person was Bastrykin. If so, he would be the highest ranking Russian sanctioned thus far under the law.
In January, four senior senators used a provision of the law to force the administration to consider sanctions on Klyuev and Bastrykin. Both had been vetted and prepared for sanctions inside the administration last year but the White House ultimately decided not to add any names to the Magnitsky list at the time.
Using what’s called the “congressional trigger,” Sens. Robert Menendez (D-NJ), Bob Corker (R-TN), John McCain (R-AZ), and Ben Cardin (D-MD), compelled the administration to make a final decision on whether to sanction for Klyuev and Bastrykin. Cardin said Tuesday he was not sure yet if Bastrykin was sanctioned secretly by the administration.
William Browder, a former associate of Magnitsky, who has been a staunch advocated of adding names to the list, told The Daily Beast Tuesday that the Obama administration’s additions to the list were a step in the right direction.
"This is highly significant because it shows that the Magnitsky act will be an ongoing tool of the US government to take away impunity of Russian human rights abusers when the repressions there are increasing so dramatically,” he said. "This came as a result of four senators using a provision in the Magnitsky Act called the congressional trigger. This allows Congress to suggest names of human rights violators to the State department. I'm not sure if this list would ever been published without the intervention of Congress."
One senior GOP Senate aide said Tuesday that the administration’s actions were a day late and a dollar short.
“This list once again demonstrates the administration’s lack of seriousness about Russian human rights violations,” the aide said. “With events in Russia and Ukraine, it is troubling that the administration is so opposed to using this tool and that it required the Senate to force them into action.”
Cardin and McCain now support legislation that would expand the Magnitsky list to cover human rights violators in every country in the world. The adminstration opposed this idea when it was first floated last year.




Three admit roles in mob Christmas extortion


Cheryl Makin

NEWARK – Three former longshoremen acted more like the Grinch than Santa when they conspired with the mob to extort Christmastime tribute payments from fellow port workers with the International Longshoremen’s Association Local 1235.
The three admitted roles in the holiday scheme, which involved a reputed member of the Genovese crime family, and could face up to 20 years in prison when they are sentenced, the U.S. attorneys for New Jersey and the Eastern District of New York said Wednesday.
Salvatore LaGrasso, 58, of Edison; Michael Nicolosi, 45, of Staten Island; and Julio Porrao, 71, of Palm Coast, Florida, pleaded guilty to conspiring to extort Christmastime tributes from the union members. They entered their guilty pleas before U.S. District Judge Claire C. Cecchi in Newark.
Charges are still pending against five defendants, including a racketeering conspiracy charge against Stephen Depiro, 58, of Kenilworth — a reputed soldier in the Genovese organized crime family. Since at least 2005, Depiro has managed the Genovese family’s control over the New Jersey waterfront, including the nearly three-decades-long extortion of port workers in Local 1, Local 1235 and Local 1478, authorities said.
According to documents filed in this case and statements made in court, LaGrasso, Nicolosi and Porrao admitted that they conspired with each other and others to compel tribute payments from ILA union members, who made the payments based on actual and threatened force, violence and fear, Fishman said. The timing of the extortons typically coincided with the receipt by some ILA members of “container royalty fund” checks, a form of year-end compensation.
LaGrasso and Nicolosi were suspended from their positions after their arrests. Porrao already had retired at the time of his arrest.
Members of the Genovese family, including Depiro, are charged with conspiring to collect tribute payments from New Jersey port workers at Christmastime each year through their corrupt influence over union officials, including the last three presidents of Local 1235, Fishman said.
LaGrasso, Nicolosi, and Porrao face up to 20 years in prison an a fine of $250,000. Sentencing is scheduled for Sept. 17 for LaGrasso and Nicolosi and for Sept. 24 for Porrao.
U.S. Attorneys Paul Fishman of New Jersey and Loretta E. Lynch of the Eastern District of New York credited the FBI, the U.S. Department of Labor, the Office of Inspector General, the Office of Labor Racketeering and Fraud Investigations with the investigation leading to the guilty pleas. They also thanked the Waterfront Commission of New York Harbor for its cooperation and assistance in the investigation.




Grimm's Texts, Emails, Financial Disclosures Among Prosecutors' Evidence


BY DAN FRIEDMAN




Also included in the discovery are IRS 1040 forms by Bennett Orfaly, a partner in the restaurant. Feds have said Orfaly is close Anthony (Fat Tony) Morelli, a capo in the Gambino crime family captain, which Grimm, as an FBI agent, was once briefly assigned to investigate.


Rep. Michael Grimm calls the case against him a “political witch-hunt.” If that’s true, it looks like a well-documented one.

Evidence against Grimm includes texts and emails between Grimm and cooperating witnesses, three years of Grimm’s financial disclosure reports in Congress and tax returns by a former Grimm business partner linked to the Gambino crime family.

In a hearing Monday in federal court in Brooklyn, Assistant U.S. Attorney Anthony Capozzolo said the government is turning over more than 7,000 documents and 8,000 emails supporting the charges against Grimm.

The Staten Island Republican faces 20 counts including wire fraud, tax evasion, perjury and hiring of undocumented workers at a Manhattan health food restaurant, Healthalicious, which he partly owned from 2006 to 2010.

The Daily News has reported that Ofer Biton, an Israeli who had a stake in the restaurant and helped Grimm raise money for his 2010 congressional campaign, and a former Healthalicious manager, Manuel Perez, have cooperated with feds against Grimm after coping pleas.

A former Grimm accountant, Wayne Muratoe, testified before a grand jury days before Grimm’s indictment.

But a May 19 letter from the prosecutors in the Eastern District of New York listing evidence that is being turned over adds detail on how Grimm’s former pals helped the government indict him for cheating on taxes.

The preliminary list of evidence includes emails between Grimm and a “Healthalicious manager,” “documents provided by a cooperat[ing] witness,” and “records provided by a Healthalicious employee.” Also listed are “text messages between Grimm and a cooperating witness.”

The list of evidence indicates a seemingly straightforward federal case. Prosecutors plan to prove Grimm maintained a false set of books and lied in financial filings. They will contrast the phony forms with material provided by cooperating witnesses, and with Grimm’s own statements in texts and emails.

Prosecutors are turning over an extensive list of financial documents. Those include years of tax, health and labor filings by Healthalicious and its parent company, Granny Sayz, records of Grimm’s personal finances, the restaurant’s accounts, bank account and credit card records and financial disclosure forms Grimm filed in Congress from 2009 to 2012.

The documents show that prosecutors obtained warrants for, searched and analyzed “two cellular telephones” during their investigation.

Also included in the discovery are IRS 1040 forms by Bennett Orfaly, a partner in the restaurant. Feds have said Orfaly is close Anthony (Fat Tony) Morelli, a capo in the Gambino crime family captain, which Grimm, as an FBI agent, was once briefly assigned to investigate.

Grimm, who faces an uphill reelection fight against against Democratic challenger Domenic Recchia, also won a judge’s permission to skip future court appearances.

The Congressman looks likely to face voters before confronting a jury.

District Court Judge Pamela Chen set the next hearing in the case for July 21. She said she’ll declare a “complex case” due the amount of evidence and number of charges. That designation will slow proceedings.


Grimm and his lawyers indicated no plans on Monday to try to speed up the trial to obtain a verdict before Election Day on Nov. 4.

Colorful past for insider at center of red light probe



  
Colorful past for insider at center of red light probe

John Bills was a top Madigan operative with family links to the mob who partied on the field with World Series champs. Now he's at the center of the feds' red light bribery case.

By David Kidwell,
John Bills fits right in to the world of colorful characters who do the heavy lifting for Chicago politicians every election — raising donations, knocking on doors and delivering all of the vote.
But in Bills' case, the colors have often been a bit brighter. A South Side native, his family history is dotted with connections to organized crime. A huge White Sox fan, he got a job with the club, celebrated the World Series victory on the field with players and still sports a replica championship ring.
A veteran political worker for House Speaker Michael Madigan, he earned a reputation as a top fundraiser and vote-getter in the vaunted 13th Ward Democratic Organization who fell in and out of favor with his boss and with fellow precinct captains who turned to him when they couldn't make their numbers.
Federal investigators last week painted another picture of Bills, as the linchpin in a decadelong corruption scheme that brought red light cameras to Chicago.
The bribery scandal, among the most brazen ever to envelop City Hall, centers at least for now on Bills, a 32-year bureaucrat portrayed in a court filing last week as a man unembarrassed by his own greed, whose demands for more never ceased and who pitted one bidder against another in order to sweeten his own deal.
That version of Bills — one that he and his attorney adamantly deny — is the one federal prosecutors would use to pursue their case that he abused his office and took as much as $2 million in bribes for steering the red light camera contract worth more than $120 million.
But Bills, 52, is also a father and a husband, the life of the party, a man friends describe as jovial and always ready to give his time to help friends and strangers alike.
"Whether it was at City Hall, or at the precinct, or working to get the players to a charity golfing event, John has always been a guy you can count on to get things done, a point person," said Tom Ryan, 66, a retired city employee who once worked for Bills and is one of his best friends.
"That's the John Bills I know," Ryan said. "That stuff I read in those charging papers? That is not the John I know."
In the fallout of what could be the first of many charges in Chicago's ongoing red light camera investigation, triggered by Tribune reporting, questions have emerged about how one midlevel bureaucrat gets the juice to single-handedly steer such a lucrative contract and why he so adamantly refuses to cooperate with federal authorities looking to expand their investigation.
Bills has argued he never had the clout and he has no information to help prosecutors. But a closer look reveals an extended family steeped for decades in Chicago's patronage politics and an even more insular organization, the Chicago mob.
His cousin Guy was an outfit turncoat who entered the federal witness protection program. His uncle was once shot during a brawl by Angelo "the Hook" La Pietra, who would later become an infamous South Side mob boss. His dad, who spent 35 years working in the city's Forestry Department, was arrested in his youth for taking bets on horses.
Interviews with a half dozen friends and 13th Ward acquaintances of Bills, along with public records, paint a portrait of Bills as hard-partying, and someone with a reputation for sometimes embellishing tales to pump up his own importance.
"John always liked to talk," said one friend who knew Bills from his work for Madigan at the 13th Ward. "Sometimes we would all just look at one another and wonder, 'Did he just say that?'
"I remember one time we were all sitting and waiting for a precinct captains meeting and he was complaining about a trip to Miami and the crappy hotel some contractor bought him down there," the friend said. "It didn't register at the time that he might be talking about the camera company, but we couldn't believe he would just be so open about it.
"It was almost like he was proud of it," the friend said.
For people inside Madigan's political operation, talking openly about its inside dealings is nearly impossible. But several contacted by the Tribune agreed to speak about their dealings with Bills on the condition their names not be used.
"John was always making it known how close he was to Madigan," said one close friend. "It was always Mike says this and Mike told him that. We knew he was a top moneymaker, but we all took most of that with a grain of salt. You had to know John."
Ryan said Bills was valuable to the Madigan operation.
"He was a good precinct captain, one of the best," Ryan said. "You never saw John for three weeks before an election because he was out knocking on doors. He'd go back three, four times if he had to, making sure people were voting, getting rides, anything they needed."
For decades Bills was known as a top-earning precinct captain for Madigan, always making his quotas and sometimes raking in as much as $10,000 in fundraising tickets. Bills often sold tickets to his own employees in the city Bureau of Electricity, dubbed "Madigan Electric" at a criminal trial because of the number of 13th Ward political workers with jobs there.
"Yeah, he expected his guys to buy tickets — that's just the way it was," said another acquaintance who worked for the bureau for 20 years, much of it under Bills. "But John wasn't alone in that, there were a lot of guys like that."
Bills was so successful as a moneymaker that he would often cover for other precinct captains who fell short of their quotas, several interviewed recalled. "Some of us just weren't as into it as he was so we would procrastinate and come up short," one said. "Sometimes John would offer to let us use his overage, for 60 cents on the dollar.
"There always had to be something in it for John."
Through his attorney, Nishay Sanan, Bills denied ever charging for his help making fundraising quotas.
Almost every year, Bills would organize at least one trip to the Super Bowl or World Series for his inner circle of up to eight friends — mostly other Madigan precinct captains or City Hall co-workers.
"I can tell you we always had a good time," said one regular attendee. "John was the one who always collected the cash for the hotel or whatever. Looking back on it now that I know there might have been someone else picking up the tab, you have to wonder whether he was making any money off us too."
White Sox fanatic
Bills is a lifelong avid White Sox fan, who worked for the team as a bat boy when he was a kid. His friends said Bills was ecstatic in 1999, when he landed a part-time job as a clubhouse attendant with the team.
He relished his ability to hobnob with players, even as he was teased by his inner circle.
"His job was to hold their jock straps, literally," said one longtime friend. "I mean, that was his actual job. We always gave him a hard time about it, but he loved it. According to him, he was practically managing the team."
A highlight of his time with the Sox was the day in Houston in 2005 when the team won the World Series. There in the celebratory scrum on the pitcher's mound is John Bills with his arms raised in the air, his photograph beamed around the world.
Bills often talked about his close relationship with the players, even suggesting to friends he once bought a used Mercedes from a player — although the stories differ on which player.
"He told me it belonged to Aaron Rowand," said one friend. Federal authorities, who have interviewed many of Bills' closest friends and collected some of the same legendary tales, have investigated the possibility that the Mercedes they say Bills bought with bribe money once belonged to first baseman Paul Konerko.
When contacted by the Tribune, both Konerko and Rowand, who is no longer playing baseball, said they never sold a car to John Bills.
Friends interviewed by the Tribune said Bills often told entertaining stories about his days with the White Sox, but it was difficult to discern fact from fiction.
"One story he liked to tell was the day he was on the field before a game and spotted Mayor (Richard) Daley in his box," said one friend. "It was a day game so, of course, John being John, he wanted everyone around him to know that he knew the mayor so he went over to him and said hi.
"According to John the mayor said, 'Hello John,' and then sort of lowering his brow said, 'John, you're not on the clock are you?'"
"Of course, the way John tells it, he was on the clock, but he told the mayor 'no,'" the friend said.
A Tribune review of Bills' city payroll records found no evidence to suggest he was working both jobs at the same time. Federal authorities have asked the White Sox for Bills' pay records.
Both Bills' lawyer and his friend Ryan said Bills never worked for the Sox while on the city clock.
"No way, there were a lot of guys at the city who were jealous of John because of all the promotions he got, so there were a lot of guys who would have loved to catch John leaving early like that," Ryan said. "No way."
Bills was fired by the White Sox in 2007, after a "transgression involving White Sox property," said Scott Reifert, a club spokesman. He declined to elaborate.
One friend said Bills repeatedly sold White Sox memorabilia on eBay.
"I remember once I got call from John asking for a favor," said the friend. "A few minutes later he shows up at my door with eight signed Frank Thomas bats, asking me if I would mind mailing them to some guy in California.
"He told me he didn't want anything coming back to his address."
Through his attorney, Bills denied selling bats or doing anything inappropriate with club memorabilia and said the Daley encounter never happened.
Reifert declined to discuss the specific reason for Bills' firing, but he said it would be a violation of White Sox policy to sell such memorabilia. Reifert also said the White Sox are curious where Bills obtained the World Series ring he is wearing in a photograph published by the Tribune.
"I can tell you it was never issued to him by the White Sox," Reifert said.
Reifert also questioned another photograph of a mounted silver presentation bat once posted online that reads "Presented to John A. Bills, congratulations and good luck on your retirement from the Chicago White Sox Organization, June 30, 2011."
"I have no idea where that came from, but it wasn't from the White Sox," he said.
According to records from Bills' 2011 divorce, the value of his White Sox memorabilia collection tops $10,000. His black Cadillac still sports White Sox vanity plates with his initials.
Bills' attorney has confirmed that federal investigators were looking into his client's sports memorabilia collection and speaking to his circle of friends.
Friends also knew Bills to be a hard-partier, something that led him to acknowledge a drinking problem. In July 2000, records show, he was arrested on a DUI charge after he lost control of his Cadillac and crashed into a bank parking lot at 113th Street and Cicero Avenue in Alsip.
According to his arrest report, he had a blood alcohol level of .22. Court records show the charge was dismissed.
"John has had problems in his life related to a drinking problem, but since then he has straightened himself out," said Sanan, his lawyer. "That was 14 years ago."
Family's mob ties
Records also show that Bills comes from a family steeped in ties to South Side political organizations and the Chicago mob.
According to archived law enforcement records, Bills father — John A. Bills Sr. — was arrested in 1948 for making book on horses out of a South Side garage with a crew that included reputed mob characters Frank "Skids" Caruso and Morris "Mutt" Caruso. Records don't indicate how that case was resolved.
Records also show that in 1946, Bills Sr. was in the car with another crew responsible for the robbery and sexual assault of a woman they met at a bar. Bills was indicted in connection with the case but charges were dropped. Also in the car that night was Fred "Peanuts" Roti, who would later became the longtime Chicago alderman for the 1st Ward.
Roti was long reputed to be the mob's representative in the City Council, and spent years in federal prison in the 1990s after convictions for racketeering and extortion.
Charles E. "Duckie" Bills — the elder Bills' brother and John Bills' uncle — was a bookmaker associated with the infamous 26th Street crew, records show. Duckie Bills was once shot and wounded by La Pietra after a fistfight, according to testimony in a federal court battle over mob influence at the Laborers' International Union.
La Pietra would later become one of the most feared mob bosses in Chicago, ruthlessly controlling South Side gambling operations until his conviction in 1986 in a scheme to skim profits from a Las Vegas casino. He was released from prison in 1997 and died two years later.
Duckie Bills' death in 1992 was noted in a City Hall resolution presented by then Ald. Patrick Huels, 11th Ward. The tribute noted his longtime membership in the Old Neighborhood Italian American Club, but the resolution excluded one name from Duckie's long list of family members — Duckie's own son Charles "Guy" Bills.
Guy Bills and his brother Sean — both first cousins of John Bills — were also longtime members of the 26th Street Crew, records show. But Guy Bills turned federal informant against the mob after he was arrested burglarizing a suburban jewelry store in 1986, and his testimony at the 1989 trial of reputed mob boss Alberto Tocco landed him in the federal witness protection program.
John Bills Sr. and his nephews Guy and Sean have all since died.
"Everybody has bad seeds in their family," Sanan said. "It doesn't make John a criminal or a bad person."
Longtime city worker
Like so many of his relatives before him, Bills made a career out of working for the city.
He started as a lamp maintenance worker in 1979 in the Bureau of Electricity in the Streets and Sanitation Department. He rose through various positions to become a midlevel manager there, and later at the Transportation Department and the Office of Emergency Management and Communications.
"I have said this many times to aldermen, friends, anyone who will listen, John Bills was the best administrator I ever worked for," said Ryan, who became friends with Bills while working for him at emergency management. "He was always ready to solve any problem I brought to him, and when everyone else was bobbing and weaving he was the one who was always ready to make a decision."
"He was always a great guy, very ready to help out whenever you needed him," said Bernie Hansen, the longtime 44th Ward alderman who retired in 2002. He said he met Bills during his time at City Hall and they stayed friends, with Bills stopping in to see the retired Hansen in Arizona.
John Bills' career at City Hall wasn't without its series of bumps, like the time in 2000 when Bills took it upon himself to support the campaign of then-Ald. Patrick Levar, 45th, against Dorothy Brown in her successful run for Cook County Circuit Court clerk. He made the mistake of not seeking Madigan's approval.
 "Unbeknownst to John, I guess Madigan didn't think Levar had much of a chance, so there wasn't a lot of support," Ryan said. "Anyway, when Madigan found out that John was working for Levar he wasn't too happy and called him in. They had a bit of a falling out."
Bills, then an assistant commissioner in the electricity bureau, was exiled to a trailer in a South Side quarry.
"The next day, John was moved to the quarry and handed a tape measure," Ryan said, adding that Bills spent about a year measuring offices for renovations. "Eventually, they let him back in."
"He absolutely hated it," another friend said. "I remember he had to go down to (13th Ward Ald. Frank) Olivo's office with his tail between his legs begging to get back in good graces.
"Eventually, Madigan let him back in," the friend said. "For one thing, he raised a lot of money for Mike."
Red light investigation
Bills was an assistant transportation commissioner in 2002 when the idea of automated red light cameras took hold at the city; he sat on the selection committee that voted to give the business to Redflex Traffic Systems Inc. The small program grew into a major revenue source, generating more than $300 million for the city and more than $120 million for the company.
Bills was still overseeing the program when he retired in 2011 as a $138,492-per-year deputy managing commissioner and went to work for the Redflex-funded Traffic Safety Coalition, run by a Chicago political consultant with strong ties to former Mayor Richard Daley and Mayor Rahm Emanuel.
In late 2012, Tribune reporting about the cozy relationship between Bills and Redflex set off a series of investigations that cost Redflex its Chicago contract and led the company to dump its top executives and acknowledge the firm likely bribed Bills with lavish trips and massive payments funneled through a Bills friend set up as a Redflex consultant.
On Wednesday, federal authorities charged Bills with one count of bribery and accused him of hatching a scheme to steer the contract to Redflex almost as soon as he was approached by an official with the then-fledgling company.
Authorities allege Bills coached Redflex officials on how to win the business during clandestine meetings and worked to rig the selection process in their favor. In exchange, authorities said, he was plied with numerous vacation trips and cash payments they allege he spent on an Arizona condominium, a Mercedes convertible, a boat and other personal expenses.
Bills was released without posting bail money, and his attorney said authorities were using the threat of a 10-year prison sentence to force him to point fingers at others.
Ryan said his friend is not the kind of man who would take bribes.
"And now he's looking at losing his pension, at losing everything," he said. "I don't believe any of it."

Richard Speck

Former Bergen County trash-hauling baron gets 1-year term in scheme



BY KAREN SUDOL

A former Bergen County trash collection baron who was ultimately banned from the industry will serve a prison sentence of a year and a day for his role in a scheme to exert control over the commercial waste-hauling industry in New York and New Jersey, authorities announced.
U.S. District Judge P. Kevin Castel, sitting in federal court in Manhattan, also ordered Carmine Franco, 78, of Ramsey to forfeit $2.5 million to the United States and pay more than $10,000 in fines and restitution.
Franco, a reported associate of the Genovese crime family who is also known as "Papa Smurf" and "Uncle Sonny," is among 32 defendants linked to three organized crime families — Genovese, Gambino and Lucchese — and charged in connection with the scheme, prosecutors said in a news release, citing the indictment, other documents and court statements. So far, 21 have been convicted of their roles in the plan.
Franco pleaded guilty in November to three separate conspiracy counts.
As part of his plea, Franco acknowledged his membership in a racketeering enterprise that exercised illegal control over waste haulers in Bergen and Passaic counties as well as Westchester, Rockland and Nassau counties in New York, authorities said. He also admitted that he committed mail and wire fraud by overbilling customers of a waste transfer station that he controlled in West Nyack, N.Y., and that he and his associates transported large volumes of stolen cardboard across state lines, officials said.
Franco has owned or controlled waste disposal businesses for more than 30 years. Because of convictions in the early 1980s and late 1990s and known associations with organized crime, he was banned from the waste-hauling industry in New Jersey and was not licensed to operate such businesses in many New York jurisdictions, the indictment said.
But, it charged, Franco still secretly took control of and operated trash-hauling companies, extorting their owners and orchestrating thefts of their property. During the four-year investigation, authorities said, they were aided by a cooperating witness whose hauling company was under Franco's control and later was taken over by other mob factions.



Wanna pizza me? Mafia thugs storm Italian restaurant in Russia and smash it up over 'protection racket'



Police believe the baseball bat-wielding men were sent by a gangster
They believe it was because the restaurant owner would not pay up
Four employees were hurt in the attack - two were seriously injured

By JILL REILLY


CCTV footage has caught the terrifying moment dozens of mafia thugs stormed a pizza restaurant and smashed in an alleged protection money racket.  Police are convinced the baseball bat-wielding mob were sent by a gangster because the restaurant owner in the federal subject of Krasnodar Krai, near the Black Sea, was not paying his due to the mob.

The restaurant, which is a favourite of local youngsters and businessmen, was suddenly stormed on Tuesday evening by 40 masked men who set about demolishing the fixtures and fittings and beating up the staff.
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CCTV footage has caught the terrifying moment dozens of mafia thugs stormed a pizza restaurant and smashed it up in an attempt to force the owner to pay protection money

Police are convinced the baseball bat-wielding mob were sent by a gangster because the restaurant owner in the federal subject of Krasnodar Krai, near the Black Sea, was not paying his due to the mob

The restaurant, which is a favourite of local youngsters and businessmen, was suddenly stormed on Tuesday evening by 40 masked men who set about demolishing the fixtures and fittings and beating up the staff
Ruben Zubarev, a customer who was inside at the time, said: 'They just stormed in and shouted out: "Nobody move and you won't get hurt. We're not here for customers." '
'Then they dragged two staff people outside and began beating them with their bats.

'There was crockery flying, great holes knocked in the plaster in the wall, tables smashed.
'The sound of the bats biting into bone and flesh was quite sickening. I just sat there trying not to look.'

Ruben Zubarev, a customer who was inside at the time, said: 'They just stormed in and shouted out: "Nobody move and you won't get hurt. We're not here for customers"'

Damage to the restaurant is estimated at over £20,000 The attack was over in minutes, but it left four employees injured, two seriously. Damage to the restaurant is estimated at over £20,000.  Police say the attack presented all the hallmarks of a mafia 'lesson,' probably as a result of the boss either refusing to pay protection money or being late on his payments. 'We are investigating,' said police, 'but it is difficult. 'The men were masked and the employees say they know nothing.'











Russian mafia linked to missing Queensland woman


A relative of a mother of five who vanished in Queensland believed the woman's disappearance might have been linked to the Russian mafia, a bag of ecstasy and $80,000, an inquest has heard.
Kathleen O'Shea, 44, who was living in Melbourne at the time, had been staying in the Atherton Tablelands, inland from Cairns, for the birth of her grandchild when she disappeared on December 29, 2005.
On Tuesday, Ms O'Shea's former partner John Parmenter told a coronial inquest in Cairns a relative believed a bag of ecstasy, $80,000 and the Russian mafia might be linked to Ms O'Shea's disappearance.
"But I didn't know if it was truth or fiction," he told the court, adding he didn't tell police about the possible link at the time.
He wasn't told what happened to the drugs or cash, or why Ms O'Shea might have been linked to Russian gangsters.
Mr Parmenter said the relative had spotted two vehicles near their property in the Atherton Tablelands about the time Ms O'Shea vanished.
He told the inquest he had heard rumours that a person known to Ms O'Shea was involved in her disappearance.
Another witness, Ms O'Shea's longtime friend John McKenzie, said he was disappointed the search for Ms O'Shea had been "hijacked" by a family dispute soon after her disappearance.
Searching for answers, Mr McKenzie, who lives in Melbourne, visited the Atherton Tablelands and spoke to Ms O'Shea's friends and family about a year after she went missing.
He told the inquest he felt everyone told him the truth and it was unlikely any of them had anything to do with her disappearance.
"I can't see her giving anyone a reason to kill her," he said.
"She's a bloody beautiful person and I'd be really happy to find out what happened to her."
Mr McKenzie said it was unlikely Ms O'Shea had just taken off because she loved her children too much not to make contact with them.
Although Ms O'Shea was a bit eccentric and regularly hitchhiked, she wouldn't have gone home with someone who had given her a lift, he said.
Ms O'Shea's son Daniel, who was 16 when his mother vanished, said it appeared his mother "disappeared into thin air" and there were no clues as to what happened to her.
On Monday, an arrest warrant was issued by Northern Coroner Jane Bentley for a person of interest in the case.
The warrant, which requires the person to give evidence at the inquest, was reportedly issued after a detective told the inquest the person displayed "strange" behaviour and refused to give a statement after Ms O'Shea's disappearance.
The person, who can't be named for legal reasons, will give evidence via video link on Wednesday morning.
The inquest continues.